Journal of Political Issues, publish by University of Bangka Belitung, for information and communication resources for academics, and observers of political science, governance issues, public policy in and on Indonesia and Asia, Methodology of Social Sciences and Social Work. The published paper is the result of research, reflection, and actual critical study with respect to the themes of governance, social, and political science. The journal publication includes articles, research notes, notices on conferences, workshops and seminars, and book reviews. Journal of Political Issues is published on July and December every year and first published in July 2019. The journal is a Multi-disciplined Journal focused on the study of Governance Issues and Public Policy, Decentralization, Political Parties, National and Local Election, Civil Society Movement, International Politics and Seurity, Gender Politics and Identity, Democracy, Citizenship and Public Management, and Community Welfare.
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Finland's Security Policy Transformation after Russia's 2022 Invasion: Continuity and Change on the Path to NATO Accession
This article explains how Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 influenced Finland's accession to NATO. Existing studies illuminate border geopolitics, historical memory, or public opinion, but give less attention to how these factors converged in a completed policy change. Using Regional Security Complex Theory and the concept of national interest, the article distinguishes long-term enabling conditions, the deterioration of Northern European security after 2014, and the invasion as an immediate trigger. It applies a qualitative case-study design based on official Finnish and NATO documents, polling data, scholarly literature, and reputable media used for chronology. The findings show that the invasion did not cause an abrupt rupture with Finland's prior security policy. It decisively accelerated a longer transformation in military non-alignment by altering how Finnish political actors and much of the public interpreted regional threat, sovereignty, and the value of treaty-based collective defence. NATO accession was therefore a contingent political choice made under changed security conditions, rather than an automatic response to geography or Russian power.
Copyright (c) 2026 Ganjar Widhiyoga, Mohammad Alvinsyah, Agung Yudhistira Nugroho http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Military Participation in Water Security: A Case Study of the Manunggal Air Program in Ayunan Village, Bali (2022–2024)
Water security is an increasingly important sustainable development concern, particularly in rural areas with limited and seasonally unreliable access to clean water. Ayunan Village in Badung Regency, Bali, experiences recurring water shortages during the dry season. In response, the Indonesian Army (TNI AD) implemented the Manunggal Air program to develop clean-water infrastructure and strengthen community water resilience. This study examines the forms of military participation in the program, its impacts on local water security, and the challenges affecting its implementation. Using a qualitative case study approach, data were collected through in-depth interviews with TNI AD personnel, village officials, and community beneficiaries, supplemented by field observations and document analysis. The findings demonstrate that military participation improved community access to clean water, reduced the time required to obtain water, and supported agricultural activities. The TNI AD contributed not only through infrastructure development, including water pumps, reservoirs, and distribution networks, but also through inter-institutional coordination, community mobilization, and local capacity building. However, the program continues to face limitations related to pump capacity, unequal water distribution, maintenance funding, and the absence of a clearly institutionalized long-term management mechanism. The study argues that the Manunggal Air program represents an expansion of civil–military relations into the field of non-traditional and human security. It also illustrates a collaborative governance arrangement in which military institutions, village governments, and local communities jointly address water insecurity. Theoretically, the study broadens civil–military relations scholarship by demonstrating how military participation in civilian development can support human security when accompanied by community involvement, institutional coordination, and sustainable local management.
Copyright (c) 2026 I Gusti Ngurah Krisna Dana, I Putu Hadi Pradnyana http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
Political Campaign on Social Media: A Semiotic Study of the Electoral Victory of Regional Head Candidate Pair Dilla-Muslimin in Tanjung Jabung Timur through the Facebook Platform
In contemporary electoral campaigns, social media has emerged as a central arena of political communication, reshaping how candidates build relationships with their constituents. This article investigates how the Dillah Hikmah Sari and Muslimin Tanja (Dilla-Muslimin) pair used Facebook as their main campaign channel during the 2024 Tanjung Jabung Timur Regional Election. Applying Roland Barthes' semiotic model, the study traces the denotative and connotative levels of meaning embedded within the campaign posts published on the 'Diminta Merata' Facebook page. Employing a qualitative, internet-based research design informed by Harold D. Lasswell's communication model, the findings show that the Dilla-Muslimin team deliberately combined visual symbols, political hashtags, slogans, and program-based narration to construct a unified public image built around fairness, closeness to the community, and a commitment to development. Rather than simply conveying information, the semiotic design of the campaign materials worked to shape voters' perceptions and encourage political participation. The eventual outcome—Dilla-Muslimin winning 58.63 percent of the valid votes—illustrates how a semiotically grounded, data-informed social media strategy can be effective at the regional government level.
Copyright (c) 2026 Dadang Nurjaman, Ujang Wardi http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0
The Politics of Citizenship: The Rights Dimension for Indigenous Belief Adherents in Indonesia
Adherents of indigenous beliefs represent belief systems rooted in local traditions that continue to be preserved by local communities. As of 2024, the number of adherents of indigenous beliefs reached 98,822 individuals, or approximately 0.003% of the total population. In Indonesia, adherents of indigenous beliefs continue to face limitations in legal recognition and the fulfillment of their rights. This study aims to provide a deeper understanding of the legal recognition and rights of adherents of indigenous beliefs, the forms of discrimination in the implementation of the Constitutional Court decision, and to identify the factors that hinder the effective implementation of the Constitutional Court ruling. This research employs a descriptive qualitative method based on document analysis. Data were collected through the examination of government documents related to the recognition of the legal status of adherents of indigenous beliefs. The collected data were subsequently analyzed using a qualitative approach with content analysis techniques. The findings indicate that Constitutional Court Decision No. 97/PUU-XIV/2016 represents the provision of a civil rights dimension; however, in practice, the implementation of these rights remains constrained, thereby hindering the fulfillment of social rights for adherents of indigenous beliefs. Discrimination persists in population administration, access to education, and burial arrangements. Such discrimination is influenced by factors including the limited competence of administrative officers, the lack of integration of educational services for adherents of indigenous beliefs, minimal public dissemination of the Constitutional Court decision, and weak law enforcement against violence and discriminatory practices targeting adherents of indigenous beliefs.
Copyright (c) 2026 Yayang Firdianda Cantika, Tabah Maryanah
United States-China Green Energy Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges (2021-2024)
Green energy cooperation between the United States and China emerged as a strategic effort to address global climate change during the period from 2021 to 2024. This research explores the dynamics of this cooperation, highlighting both the opportunities and challenges faced by the two countries. Employing a liberal interdependence theoretical framework, the study employs qualitative methods, with library research serving as the primary data collection technique. Despite existing geopolitical differences, both countries advanced green energy development under the leadership of Presidents Joe Biden and Xi Jinping. Opportunities for collaboration arose from various factors, including changes in leadership, enhanced dialogue, positive responses, global interdependence, formal agreements, and the strategic role of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). Key areas of cooperation encompassed investment in green technology, knowledge transfer, and collaborative research efforts. However, challenges during Biden's administration were inevitable and continued to persist even after the administration ended due to divergent domestic policies and priorities arising from changing leadership, technological competition, and ongoing political tensions. Greater difficulties are anticipated as Donald Trump returns to office. The study concludes that cooperation in green energy between these two major economic powers is vital for the global energy transition and efforts to mitigate climate change; nevertheless, significant challenges must be addressed to facilitate positive trends and achieve progress.
Copyright (c) 2026 Fini Aktalya, Alfajri Alfajri, Muhammad Arsy Ash Siddiqy
Institutional Durability of Delivery Units in Indonesia: Preliminary Findings
This study examines the dynamics and institutional durability of various delivery units in Indonesia, including the Presidential Work Unit and the Presidential Staff Office, within a comparative cross-administrative framework and the conceptual lens of deliverology, as practiced by the Prime Minister’s Delivery Unit in the United Kingdom. In contrast to short-term approaches driven by leadership style and performance orientation, this study emphasizes the importance of systematizing and sustaining coordination, synchronization, and control functions. The findings reveal that establishing delivery units in Indonesia tends to be temporary and pragmatic, lacking robust legal foundations and strong institutional integration. Political factors, leadership personalization, and overlapping authorities emerge as key impediments. Employing a collective or multiple-case study design with a comparative analytical approach, this research concludes that while several principles of deliverology, such as using targets and performance monitoring, have been adopted, delivery units have yet to be institutionalized as long-term governance instruments. Therefore, the study recommends establishing a stronger legal framework, developing adaptable institutional designs, and promoting professional leadership to ensure the continuity of these units in supporting the implementation of national priority policies.
Copyright (c) 2026 Sapto Setyo Nugroho, Dina Fadiyah, Laras Ayu Andini
Why Trilateral Cooperation Failed to Curb ISIS: A Regional Security Complex Theory Analysis
This study explains why the Indonesia–Malaysia–Philippines trilateral cooperation has failed to curb regional security threats in the Sulu–Sulawesi Sea. The strategic position of the area has been exploited by ISIS networks to expand their influence and operations across Southeast Asia, intensifying security challenges in the tri-border region. In response, the three states established trilateral cooperation as a mechanism to suppress ISIS’s activities. However, empirical developments show that ISIS operations continued to grow despite this initiative. Guided by the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and using a deductive qualitative method, the findings reveal three interconnected factors that explain the TCA’s failure to curb ISIS expansion between 2017–2019. First, the geographical proximity and porous maritime borders of the Sulu–Sulawesi Sea facilitated the movement of foreign terrorist fighters, weapons, and financial flows, creating shared vulnerabilities that were not jointly managed. Second, interstate distrust, sovereignty sensitivities, and divergent threat perceptions hindered the institutionalization of coordinated mechanisms such as Joint Maritime Patrols, preventing cohesive operations. Third, limited and asymmetrical external involvement—particularly from the United States—focused on technical support rather than addressing root causes, weakening regional autonomy and coherence.
Indonesia-South Korea Cooperation in Forest Fire Management in Ogan Komering Ilir: From Securitization to Adaptive Governance
Forest and land fires in Ogan Komering Ilir (OKI), South Sumatra, continue to pose a persistent environmental challenge. This study examines Indonesia–South Korea cooperation through the Korea–Indonesia Forest Cooperation Center (KIFC), which was established in response to the securitisation of forest fires and has evolved into a model of adaptive governance. By examining KIFC, this article demonstrates that securitization enables international cooperation and technical control, yet simultaneously constrains deeper adaptive governance needed to address local fire drivers. By employing a qualitative case study approach, this research examines KIFC's initiatives from 2015 to 2024, utilizing a combination of document analysis, policy review, and field observations. The findings show that while KIFC introduced advanced monitoring systems and early warning technologies, local economic dependence on land-clearing and fragmented governance remain significant barriers. This study argues that KIFC has succeeded technically but faces challenges in addressing deeper structural issues. The cooperation's success hinges on the alignment of external technical solutions with local socio-economic realities and the fostering of community-based resilience. This study contributes to understanding how international cooperation can bridge the gap between securitization and adaptive governance, offering lessons for future sustainable environmental governance in Indonesia and beyond.
Copyright (c) 2026 Ferdiansyah Rivai, Bagaskara Sagita Wijaya, Syuryansyah Syuryansyah, Syuryansyah, Ridha Amalia
Navigating Maritime Politics: A Systematic Review and Bibliomatric Mapping
Maritime affairs constitute a strategic domain within contemporary geopolitical dynamics. In recent decades, maritime spaces have ascended as a critical arena for power projection, driven by intensifying global competition. This study employs a systematic mapping approach to delineate the evolution and predominant research trends within maritime political studies. Utilizing bibliographic data from the Scopus database in the period of 2005–2025, we analyzed a corpus of scientific articles on maritime politics. The data were processed using the VOSviewer software to generate a network map of keywords, elucidate inter-topic relationships, and trace conceptual developments. The analysis reveals five dominant keywords that form the discursive core: marine policy, governance, the marine environment, ocean governance, and marine governance. These themes are not isolated but are intricately interconnected within a conceptual network, illustrating the trajectory of maritime politics over the past two decades. The inter topic relationships signify the integration of ecological and political imperatives, shaping an emergent governance model characterized by its trans boundary, collaborative, and sustainability-oriented nature. This evolution represents an epistemological shift from a state-centrist paradigm, through a governance paradigm, toward a nascent ecological-political paradigm. Consequently, the sea is no longer conceived merely as an economic or territorial domain, but is increasingly recognized as a complex and dynamic political space.
Copyright (c) 2026 Bahjatul Murtasidin, Sandy Pratama, Putra Pratama `Saputra
This paper will examine the politics of clean water management, an overview of the scarcity of clean water quality in Kedungringin Village, Sukawangi District, Bekasi Regency. The reason this research was conducted was because there was a problem in Kedungringin Village, namely the lack of access to clean water both in quality and quantity. Various efforts have been made by the people of Kampung Kedungringin, such as constructing boreholes with the help of benefactors. However, this is not enough to meet the needs of clean water for all residents. The role of PDAM Tirta Bhasasi in this case has not been able to reach the Kedungringin Village area because the Clean Water Pipeline is far from the location of Kedungringin Village. With these problems, this research will examine how the efforts made by PDAM Tirta Bhagasasi and the Sukaringin Village Government in meeting access to clean water needs in Kedungringin Village. The research method used in this research is a descriptive qualitative research method with a case study approach. The results of this study indicate that the efforts made by PDAM Tirta Bhagasasi in meeting the need for clean water for the people of Kampung Kedungringin have not been realized. This is because PDAM Tirta Bhagasasi is in the construction of a new clean water pipeline to the housing/cluster area in Sukaringin Village. Clean water has not been able to flow to Kedungringin Village because PDAM Tirta Bhagasasi prioritizes cluster housing areas in collaboration with developers. This means that groups of people who have money will be prioritized over groups of people who do not have money.
Copyright (c) 2022 Restu Rahmawati, Firman Firman
Clientelism in Village Head Elections in Purwadadi Village, Ciamis Regency
Markun Marhani, one of the regional political actors with a background as a former convict, is the oldest candidate, and has a lower educational background compared to other candidates, emerged as the winner in the Village Head Election in Purwadadi Village, Purwadadi District, Ciamis Regency in 2022. This victory is considered possible because there is a clientelism relationship in the village head election. To analyze this problem, the author conducted a study using the theory of patronage and clientelism put forward by Aspinall and Sukmajati supplemented by the concept of power elites. This study uses a qualitative research method with purposive sampling and snowball sampling informant determination techniques with source triangulation validity tests, through in-depth interview data collection techniques, observation, and documentation. The results of this study show that in order to win the Village Head Election in Purwadadi Village, Purwadadi District, Ciamis Regency for the 2022-2028 period, Marhani applied several variations in the form of patronage and clientelism that he carried out with the village political elite and the surrounding community. The forms of patronage and clientelism variations used are vote buying, individual gifts, and service and activities. In addition to using patronage and clientelism patterns as the main pattern, Marhani's success is supported by the political culture of the Purwadadi Village community which is at the level of subject political culture (kaula) driven by the pragmatism of the surrounding community.
Copyright (c) 2025 Nabila Azzahra, Faisal Fadilla Noorikhsan, Mohammad Ali Andrias, Komang Jaka Ferdian, La Ode Muhamad Muliawan
Diverging Views, Shared Interests: Japan-India Security Partnership
Since the early Cold War era, Japan has cooperated exclusively with the United States in security matters. However, since the end of the Cold War, Japan began to diversify its bilateral security cooperation with other countries in the region, including those who do not necessarily share its immediate strategic interests, such as India. This article examines decision to choose India as its bilateral security partner, which started since 2008. This study relies on desk research, analyzing primary and secondary data collected from 2008-2025. The research applied qualitative deductive method and uses triangulation as an analytical tool. The analysis is grounded in neoclassical realism, which highlights the interaction between systemic pressures and domestic-level variables. Systemic factors examined included increasing maritime insecurity (terrorism and piracy) and the rise of Chinese maritime capabilities. In addition, the domestic perception and role of the foreign policy executive, particularly Prime Minister Abe, is taken into consideration. Findings from this research show that systemic pressures, especially from rising China,have pushed Japan to seek cooperation with like-minded regional actors. Furthermore, Abe’s “Confluence of the two seas” speech framed India as the linchpin in Japan’s Indo-Pacific strategy, citing its shared democratic values and status as a maritime states. These factors, combined with favorable elite perceptions of India, helped form Japan’s decision to choosing India as its security partner.
Copyright (c) 2025 Satrio Agung Wicaksono
Representation of Women as Election Administrators in Jambi Province: Challenges and Strategies for Strengthening
The low representation of women in election management institutions is a structural problem that continues to hamper the consolidation of electoral democracy in Indonesia. This study highlights the limitations of the implementation of the affirmative policy of 30% female representation in the membership of the General Election Commission (KPU) and the Election Supervisory Body (Bawaslu) in Jambi Province. Using a qualitative approach through observation, documentation, and in-depth interviews with key actors in the recruitment process, this study found that most areas in Jambi Province have no female representation at all. The main obstacles include a deep-rooted patriarchal culture, weak social networks and women's technical capacity, and selection practices that are not yet gender-inclusive, coupled with geographical constraints that limit women's participation. Using theories of political representation, gender, and institutions, this study analyzes how biased social and institutional structures contribute to reproducing these inequalities. The main contribution of this study is the strengthening of the concept of institutional constraints based on local culture that explain the failure of affirmation in the regional context. Recommendations offered include increasing women's capacity through political training, reforming selection mechanisms based on a gender perspective, and strengthening collaboration between stakeholders. Thus, this study provides an empirical and theoretical basis for building a more inclusive, gender-equitable, and contextual local democracy agenda.
Copyright (c) 2025 Burlian Senjaya, Pahrudin HM
Analysis of Civil-Military Relations in Indonesia after the 1998 Reform
In civil-military relations in a democratic country, there must be a balance of power between military instruments and non-military instruments. Indonesia itself certainly has a long history of military reform and is full of heavy obstacles, the source of which usually comes from the government or regime in power in a country. After the fall of the tyrannical regime in 1998, it was certainly the first step in the revival of military reform and towards the formation of better democratization in Indonesia. Over time, Indonesia has increasingly shown positive indications on its journey towards democracy. TNI reform and civilian control in Indonesia can actually be said to have not been fully realized and are still in the process of transition towards the expected civil society. Thus, Indonesia must remain careful and self-aware in dealing with the dynamics that may occur in the future, because the potential for conflict that harms civil-military relations may still exist and will occur. The preparation of this research article is based on the use of qualitative methods based on the collection of literature study data by producing descriptive analysis. The research results found are how the current military reform in Indonesia is, then what political policies and related institutions are in post-reform military control, and an explanation of the researcher's assessment of civil-military relations in Indonesia.
Copyright (c) 2025 Yusa Djuyandi, Arfin Sudirman, Nanang Suryana
The Muria Strait Narrative in Shaping Public Perception of the Great Demak Flood of March 2024: A Critical Discourse Analysis
The Muria Strait narrative dominated discourse on social media during the Great Demak Flood of March 2024. While previous studies have focused on ecological and disaster mitigation aspects, this study explores the power relations and discursive practices in constructing public perceptions of the Great Demak Flood of March 2024 through the Muria Strait narrative. Using Fairclough's critical discourse analysis approach, this study analyzed posts from two local media Instagram accounts. The results of the analysis identified four main discourses: ecological, positivist, spiritual, and fear. The Muria Strait narrative shaped power relations in the production of meaning for the Great Demak Flood of March 2024. Through this narrative, individual and collective identities were naturalized, and research institutions were institutionalized, thus influencing the direction of government policy in preventive, mitigation, emergency response, and recovery actions. Social media tended to use the Muria Strait narrative to simplify the complexity of material data related to the event. These findings suggest that the Muria Strait narrative diverts public attention from more pressing material facts. The discourse on the “re-formation of the Muria Strait” functions as a myth that can trigger social resistance, especially if supported by strong material facts, thus strengthening the legitimacy of the narrative.
Copyright (c) 2025 Habib Yudha Pratama, Mustabsyirotul Ummah Mustofa
China's Hegemonic Strategy through the Belt Road Initiative: Implications for Political and Security Governance in Asia
This study aims to analyze China's strategy to establish itself as a new hegemon in Asia through the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Using a descriptive-qualitative method and the international political economy approach, this research examines BRI from the perspectives of mercantilism and liberalism. The findings indicate that BRI functions as a strategic tool for China to expand its political and economic influence by investing heavily in global infrastructure. The program enhances international connectivity, accelerates trade, and creates employment opportunities in partner countries. However, concerns about a debt trap and economic dependency have emerged in some recipient nations. The study concludes that BRI exemplifies modern mercantilism, positioning China as a dominant actor in the emerging political and security governance of Asia.
Copyright (c) 2025 Fadhli Zikri, Rizki Damayanti
Improving Surakarta City Governance through Partnership with Rikolto in 2022
This research examines the paradiplomacy activities of the Surakarta City government in collaboration with Rikolto International, with a focus on enhancing government service capabilities to provide safe and healthy food to the citizens. The practice of paradiplomacy in Indonesia has been regulated by the central government in KEMENDAGRI regulation number 25 of 2020. This qualitative study explores the scheme and benefits of paradiplomacy practices implemented by the Surakarta City government. Primary data consists of official documents from BAPPEDA Surakarta City, while secondary data includes accredited research articles from the past five years. The research reveals that the cooperation scheme between the Surakarta City government and Rikolto is a continuation of the Ministry of Home Affairs' initiative. The collaboration has resulted in programs such as Kantin Sekolah Sehat Ramah Anak and urban agriculture extension projects that contribute to local governance improvements in the fields of food and education.
Copyright (c) 2025 Maulana Dzikrul Alamsyah, Havidz Ageng Prakoso, Haryo Prasodjo
Cultural Contestation and State Responses to LGBT Acceptance: A Comparison Between Indonesia and European Models of Inclusiveness
This study aims to analyze the dynamics of LGBT acceptance in Indonesia in comparison with inclusive models in several European countries, such as Sweden and Germany. Using a constructivist and human rights theory approach, this research explores how cultural norms, religious values, and social constructions influence public perception and state policies regarding LGBT rights. Constructivist theory is used to examine how Indonesia's cultural identity and social norms, heavily influenced by religious values such as Islam, lead to conservative societal attitudes and policies towards LGBT rights. In contrast, secular European countries reflect different social constructions, with more open and inclusive norms. Human rights theory serves as a framework to evaluate the policy approach differences between Indonesia and Europe regarding LGBT rights, especially in implementing principles of equality and non-discrimination. In Indonesia, there is a tension between international human rights principles and local cultural norms, leading to resistance toward LGBT rights recognition. Meanwhile, European countries tend to adopt human rights standards as the foundation for inclusive policies that provide stronger legal protections for the LGBT community. This research uses a qualitative method with secondary data analysis of literature reviews, government policy documents, reports from international human rights organizations, and academic journal articles on LGBT rights in both Indonesia and Europe. The findings reveal that social constructions and cultural identities in Indonesia play a significant role in shaping state policies that tend to uphold traditional values, whereas inclusivity models in European countries are driven by a recognition of universal rights and equality principles. This study emphasizes the importance of understanding cultural and social factors in public policies related to LGBT rights," a more specific concluding statement might be: "This study calls for an approach that integrates cultural and social contexts with international human rights standards to promote inclusive policies for LGBT rights in Indonesia
Copyright (c) 2025 Sritami Santi Hatmini, Agung Yudhistira Nugroho
Democratization at the local level: NU and Muhammadiyah in the 2024 Presidential Election in Salatiga City
This research examines the phenomenon of democratization at the local level. The political celebration in 2024 is an interesting momentum to see how the dynamics of democratization at the local level. Democracy is a post-reform common spirit that needs to be guarded and improved by various parties, including civil society organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyah. This research aims to obtain an overview and analysis of how the role and existence of NU and Muhammadiyah in contributing to maintaining the quality of community-oriented democracy, especially at the local level. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach with interview techniques by interviewing several informants and literature and data analysis techniques to analyze the electoral dynamics of NU and Muhammadiyah. The results of research on the role of NU and Muhammadiyah in the contestation of the 2024 presidential election show that political contestation cannot be separated from the influence of NU and Muhammadiyah. The modalities owned by the two largest Islamic organizations in Indonesia still provide a real influence in the electoral process and have implications for the existence of mass organizations. The close affiliation with political parties, especially between Muhammadiyah and the National Mandate Party in Salatiga, also creates strong political relations electorally. Likewise, NU, which has elite-directed solidarity, also increases its existence in the face of political contestation.
Copyright (c) 2025 Imam Sumantri, Evany Sofia Prameswari, Agustinus Sugeng Priyanto
Multi-party Systems and Parliamentary Thresholds: The Case of Indonesia’s Presidential System with Comparisons to Germany and Taiwan
This study investigates the necessity of parliamentary thresholds in multi-party and presidential systems, with a particular focus on Indonesia. It examines the rationale behind these thresholds and the factors that should determine the optimal threshold within Indonesia's unique political landscape. Employing a qualitative approach and a comprehensive literature review, the study utilizes Mainwaring's framework, which highlights the challenges posed by the combination of a multi-party system and presidentialism, and advocates for reducing the number of parties through appropriate thresholds. The findings suggest that Indonesia's combination of a presidential system and multi-party structure can lead to instability due to potential legislative gridlock. To enhance government efficiency, the study recommends maintaining or raising the current 4% parliamentary threshold and opposes calls to lower it, as this could lead to further fragmentation and inefficiency. Furthermore, the study proposes simplifying the structure of Indonesia's House of Representatives (DPR) into three factions: pro-government, opposition, and independent. By drawing comparisons with Germany and Taiwan’s 5% thresholds and mixed-member proportional representation systems, the study suggests that similar electoral reforms in Indonesia could minimize wasted votes, improve proportional representation, and foster a more stable governance structure.
Copyright (c) 2025 Karmel Hebron Simatupang
Observing Democratization in the Management Process of Political Parties in Indonesia
This research aims to analyze the democratization process of political party management in Indonesia, focusing on recent democratic developments. Political parties play an important role in a democratic system, and the internal democratic leadership process within a party can reflect the overall quality of democracy. This research uses a qualitative method with data collection through documentation. The data collected is analyzed descriptively to describe the recent development of democratization of political party management in Indonesia. Research on political parties increasingly recognizes the importance of transparency and accountability. Political parties in Indonesia tend to focus on government power and ignore their own interests. Stricter control and accountability mechanisms have been implemented to reduce nepotism and corruption within parties. However, the management of political parties has not run optimally, this is characterized by conflicts of interest, weak coordination between government agencies, and technical constraints. This research still faces obstacles in obtaining secondary data related to the democratization of political parties. Therefore, it is important to involve analysis that considers aspects of long-term research. Feedback from readers is needed for future articles.
Copyright (c) 2025 Kaamiliaa Dewi, Achmad Nurmandi, Helen Dian Fridayani
Evaluating Indonesia's National Defense Policy in Shaping an Effective Area Denial Strategy
This research delves into the analysis of Indonesia's national defense policy and its influence on the development of area denial strategies, with a focus on maritime security. The background highlights the importance of understanding the evolution of Indonesia's defense policy and its implications for regional security dynamics. The aim is to examine the alignment between Indonesia's defense policy objectives and the formulation of area denial strategies, utilizing qualitative research methods with secondary data. Using Creswell's guidelines for qualitative research design, this study carefully looks at existing literature, policy documents, and historical records to look into three main areas: how Indonesia's national defense policy has changed over time, what its main area denial strategies are, and how defense policy has affected the creation of these strategies. Findings reveal a shift in Indonesia's defense posture towards a more maritime-centric approach, with investments in maritime defense systems, A2/AD measures, and asymmetric tactics. Moreover, the analysis demonstrates a significant alignment between Indonesia's defense policy objectives and the development of area denial strategies, highlighting the country's commitment to safeguarding its territorial sovereignty and maritime interests. The conclusion underscores the importance of a holistic understanding of Indonesia's defense policy for enhancing regional security and stability.
The Government Of Jakarta Province Government And The Government Of Beijing China In The Sister City Scheme
This study aims to analyze the opportunities and challenges of foreign relations through transgovernmental cooperation in the sister city scheme, especially between the DKI Jakarta provincial government and the Beijing City Government of China. To achieve this goal, the researcher raised the case of cooperation in the field of education among the two government organizations. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method by collecting data through interviewing a number of relevant informants and documentation study techniques. The approach used in this research is transgovernmental cooperation within the framework of sister city. This study found that foreign cooperation by local governments became a great opportunity in regional development efforts. Through the sister city scheme, the provincial government of DKI Jakarta and the city of Beijing get great benefits for regional development and good bilateral relations between the two actors, even bringing benefits to bilateral relations between Indonesia and the People's Republic of China after the reformation era. Sister City is an instrument for the DKI Jakarta government to achieve its regional interests which is certainly in line with national interests.
Copyright (c) 2019 Henike Primawanti, Windy Dermawan, Widiya Ardiyanti
Sudrajat-Syaikhu Campaign Strategy Gets Support Of Islamic Populism In West Java Pilgub 2018
Islamic Populism has become a hot discussion in Indonesia after the emergence of the Ahok Phenomenon in the DKI Jakarta Election 2017. At that time, the period of Islamic populism which was disappointed with the system because it had created inequality vented his disappointment in a series of Islamic Defending I, II and III. The phenomenon of Islamic populism movements does not only occur in Jakarta, discussions of Islamic populism also develop in the constellation of the 2018 West Java Governor Election. One of the pairs of candidates who allegedly used the wave of Islamic populism was Sudrajat and Ahmad Syaikhu (Asyik). The pair carried by Gerindra and PKS benefited from getting a vote of Islamic populism because the Asyik bearer party was a party that got the image as a pro-Muslim party. But unfortunately this advantage has not been consolidated massively. 2019 hashtag presidential test taken by the Asyik pair in the second debate in the West Java Pilgub is believed to be one of the efforts to consolidate support for Islamic populism. In this paper, we will analyze how the strategy of the Fun couple to consolidate support from the previous period of Islamic populism in the case of the DKI Jakarta Pilkada, the period of Islamic populism in the ranks of Gerindra and PKS as the ruling opposition.
Copyright (c) 2019 Yusa Djuyandi, Bagus Riadi, Muhammad Zia Ulhaq, Diki Drajat
Politics of Demographic Citizens In Pinggiran Area, Pangkalpinang City
Pangkalpinang continues to transform into a modern small town and certainly faces various dynamics of problems and complex challenges in citizenship. The complexity of urban citizenship has a diverse context, in accordance with the political demographics of suburban citizenship. This study compares the socio-political landscape and the dynamics of the challenges in the three research locations: Tuatunu, Kace Timur, and Beluluk, which are reflected in the daily political structure of citizenship. It uses qualitative approach based on observation, depth interview, and documentation. The findings reveal that the disparity of form and model of intervention in the changing context of the peripheral socio-political landscape causes the citizens being individualistic and capitalist and their spirit of communality increasingly eroded, there is a split community in Beluluk and Kace Timur in the context of the spirit of peripheral citizenship as the economic transit for citizens and the challenge of building a collective spirit of citizens. Furthermore, the social capital and political activity of citizens in the three villages shows a sharply difference in terms of resilience to various aspects of the local identity of each region such as the local cultural traditions or a shift of meaning and citizens' social capital.
Copyright (c) 2019 Rendy Rendy, Dini Wulansari, Berlian Zarina
The Encouraging Parliament Reform Through The Power Of Civil Society In Indonesia
This paper aims to provide a critical review of the repositioning of the institutionalization of opposition in parliament and strengthening the function of control of parliament itself by civil society. The dynamics of the new post-order political system urges the creation of a system of checks and balances that is capable of accommodating the complicated issue of public policy governance in presidential systems with this multi-party parliament. This paper is a descriptive analytical study. Data sources were obtained from references about political parties and elections and power relations between political forces. This paper takes the setting of a parliamentary loophole that requires the presence of a control body on the balancing function of executive power as a consequence of the manifestation of authority that tends to be dilemmatic. The author concludes that the network of civil society can be the dominant alternative to carrying out a supervisory role on legislative performance in parliament. When executives are constitutionally unable to adequately compensate for the function of parliamentary oversight, repositioning of civil society organizations that are considered as a complete and ideal representation of the interests of many people is the best choice to reduce the strengthening of collusive democracy. Synchronization of regulations, good intentions of political parties, the role of control of civil society, and the synergy of the perspective on the consequences of multiparty systems that grow into the basis of more advanced democratization.
Copyright (c) 2019 Sandy Pratama, Arief Hidayat, Putri Aisyah
The Role of Beginner Voters In Oversight Of Participative Election
Law Number 7 year 2017 verse 101 mandated Badan pengawasan pemilu (Bawaslu:Bureau of election monitoring) as an institution monitoring electoral democracy proccess ranging from legislative, regional to president election. Considering its duty on electoral agenda, the need for BAWASLU’s innovation is one of the most significant factors to enhance the quality of general election. This paper is going to explain the inovation practice of BAWASLU in South Bangka in monitoring the general election and increasing the people participation. Descriptive anaysis is the method of this research by using primary data obtaining from particpatory activities of the researchers. Lastly, the paper concludes that the innovation is manifested through the existence of election-monitoring class by formulating the agent of participatory election monitoring in every district, and this method was effectively increased the political participation and consciousness of voters spesifically young voters.
Copyright (c) 2019 Agam Primadi, David Efendi, Sahirin Sahirin
Stunting is an urgent issue to be resolved because it impacts on the quality of Indonesia's human resources in the future. Human resources are the main factor determining the success of a country. This study aims to look at the upstream-downstream efforts to overcome stunting in Indonesia. The research method used is a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis. Source of data in the form of policy document analysis. The results of the study show that, in the upstream (policy level) there have been a lot of government policies that were born as an effort to acceleratecontrol stunting, but in reality thereduction rate is stunting still far from the target. In the downstream area, there are still many communities and the implementation of programs at the grassroots level that do not have sufficient mastery of knowledge related to stunting itself, both the impact, the causes, and how to overcome them.prevention policies Stunting seem to still be at the ivory tower level, while at the grassroots level itself is the spearhead of efforts to accelerateprevention stunting, the issue of stunting seems to still sound strange. Therefore, there is still a need for massive socialization related to stunting, the impact, the urgency of overcoming it, and efforts to overcome stunting at the grassroots level, as a form of individual preventive efforts without relying on government programs, because stunting is an urgent problem that must be addressed by all parties immediately without waiting for anything.
Copyright (c) 2019 Rini Archda Saputri, Jeki Tumangger
Greenpeace Indonesia's Transnational Advocacy Network Strategy Regarding the Issue of Deforestation in Indonesia's Forests by Wilmar International
Greenpeace Indonesia looking for Wilmar International as actor for making deforestation.. Greenpeace Indonesia pressured Wilmar International to commit to implementing their No Deforestation, No Peat, No Exploitation (NDPE) policy through the establishment of a transnational advocacy network to make enough power to put pressure on Wilmar International. Through this method, Greenpeace Indonesia succeeded in making Wilmar International pressured and changed its behavior. This research analyzes how Greenpeace Indonesia's strategy in forming transnational advocacy networks so that the network suppresses and monitors the behavior of target actor through the Keck & Sikkink Transnational Advocacy Network theory. Researchers used qualitative methods with a case study approach. Data collection comes from primary and secondary data and data collection through literature studies from books, journals and articles. The results of this study indicate that Greenpeace Indonesia is very optimal in carrying out Information Politics and Leverage Politics strategies. Greenpeace Indonesia has creative and confrontational methods in implementing the Symbolic Politics strategy. But the weakness of this strategy is that Greenpeace Indonesia seems to be exclusive in carrying out its actions by other environmental NGOs, especially domestic-based environmental NGOs. The weaknesses of these four strategies are Accountability Politics where Greenpeace Indonesia does not have the commitment of Wilmar International which has binding legal force.
Copyright (c) 2020 Muhammad Arief Virgy, Yusa Djuyandi, Wawan Budi Darmawan
A Critical Analysis On Margaret E. Roberts (2018), Censored: Distraction And Diversion Inside China’s Great Firewall
Margaret E. Robert book builds on a foundation of the basic law of economy which is the relationship between supply and demand. She argues that censorship Chinese government censorship has violated free market law. In her book, she specified three mechanisms of censorship; fear, friction, and flooding (Roberts 2018). She explained in detail how Chinese’s people reactions toward the censorship in chapter four, five and six. In this paper, I challenged Roberts idea that fear is not part of the censorship mechanism. I have two arguments; first fear is emotion it needs stimuli to appear. Second fear and curiosity are motivation behind information seeking. Fear appeared from negative experience while curiosity appeared from positive outcomes. Fear is part of information behavior, it works like a brake system (Heinstrom 2010). Through fear, the disappointment and punishment will be evaluated by individuals to decide the next move. Fear is something dynamic, as time evolve it creates sensitivity, but it does not stop the basic need of information. American astronaut Thomas P. Stafford mentioned that evolution made us the ultimate learning machine, and the ultimate learning machine needs to be oiled by curiosity (Stafford 2012). At the end of my paper, I suggested Roberts to consider using word threat as one of censorship mechanism rather than fear.